DA PAMPHLET 550-9 COMMUNIST CHINA A BIBLIOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1971 EDITION
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- 2022年5月25日
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已更新：1月9日
DA PAMPHLET 550-9 COMMUNIST CHINA A BIBLIOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1971 EDITION, HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY。WASHINGTON, D.C.
DA PAM 550-9 共產中國：書目調查 民國60年版 美國陸軍總部 華盛頓特區《Black Water Museum Collections | 黑水博物館館藏》
美國陸軍《共產中國：書目調查》（民國60年版）
一、 基本資訊
文獻名稱：DA PAM 550-9 Communist China: A Bibliographic Survey（共產中國：書目調查）
版本年份：1971 Edition（民國60年版）
發行單位：美國陸軍部總部（Headquarters, Department of the Army）
編纂機構：美國陸軍圖書館（The Army Library）
出版地：華盛頓特區（Washington, D.C.）
二、 館藏概述
本件館藏為冷戰高峰期，美國軍方針對中國大陸（中共）進行的全面性戰略評估報告。本書係應美國陸軍「軍事作戰副參謀長」之要求編纂，目的在更新民國55年（1966年）發行的舊版手冊（DA PAM 20-67）。 全書彙整了約 800 則來自各類期刊、書籍、報告的文獻摘要，並輔以大量的數據圖表與地圖，深入分析當時中共的政治、軍事、經濟與社會結構，以及當時正處於高潮的「文化大革命」與「中蘇分裂」局勢。
三、 主要內容與重點
本手冊內容結構嚴謹，涵蓋多個戰略維度：
中共威脅評估：
全球野心：探討中共在亞洲、非洲及中東的革命戰爭戰略與滲透活動。
核武發展：專章分析中共的核武測試、政策及其對東方與西方的挑戰。
軍事態勢：評估共軍（PLA）的作戰能力、軍事準則及其在黨內的政治角色。
地緣政治熱點：
中蘇衝突：詳細分析中蘇邊界爭議（如珍寶島事件）、意識形態分裂及潛在的戰爭風險。
文化大革命：紀錄了紅衛兵的崛起、黨結構的破壞以及軍隊介入平息動亂的過程。
中華民國（臺灣）專章：
本書第七章專門介紹中華民國在臺灣（Republic of China on Taiwan），內容涵蓋土地、人民、軍事力量及聯合國地位。
詳細列載當時國軍兵力結構，包括陸軍 40 萬人（含金馬駐軍）、海軍艦艇配置、空軍 F-104 與 F-86 機隊，以及國民兵與後備軍人約 100 萬人之動員能量。
記錄了中華民國著名的外交援助計畫「先鋒案」（Vanguard，即農耕隊），以及在非洲的外交努力。
四、 珍貴附錄與數據
本館藏包含極具歷史價值的統計資料與地圖附件：
聯合國投票紀錄：完整收錄民國39年至58年（1950-1969）間，聯合國大會針對「中國代表權」問題（Representation of China）的歷年表決票數。這份數據見證了在第 2758 號決議通過前，北京政權與中華民國政府在聯合國外交戰場上的長期拉鋸。
戰略地圖集：附錄包含多幅專用地圖，如中共軍區劃分、燃料與動力設施分布、中蘇邊界爭議區（東段與西段）、以及中蒙邊界圖等。
海峽戰略地位：列出全球重要水道主權與數據，其中明確標示臺灣海峽（Taiwan Strait）與澎湖水道（Pescadores Channel）為兩岸對峙區域（CPR-CNR）。
五、 歷史價值
此份文件出版於民國60年（1971年）2月，正值歷史轉折的關鍵時刻——距離同年 10 月中華民國政府失去聯合國中華民國席位代表權僅數月之遙，亦在尼克森訪華前夕。它忠實記錄了美國軍方在「美中關係正常化」前夕，對兩岸軍力、政經局勢及亞太戰略環境的最終評估，是研究冷戰史、美中臺關係史及美軍情報觀點的重要第一手史料。
BIBLIOGRAPHIC SURVEYS OF OTHER AREAS OF THE WORLD
The Army Library, Administrative Services Directorate, The Adjutant General's Office, has issued in recent years a series of bibliographic surveys of literature, all of which have been the products of in-house research.
Below is a current list of bibliographic surveys
NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND NATO: Analytical Survey of Literature, January 1970, DA PAM 50-1
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN: Analytical Survey of Literature-1969 Edition, February 1969, DA PAM 550-7
USSR: Strategic Survey; A Bibliography, 1969 Edition, January 1969, DA PAM 550-6
MIDDLE EAST: Tricontinental Hub; A Bibliographic Survey, Volume II, April 1968, DA PAM 550-2-1
AFRICA: A Strategic Survey, April 1967, DA PAM 550-5
*SOUTH ASIA: A Strategic Survey, September 1966, DA PAM 550-3
COMMUNIST CHINA: A Strategic Survey, February 1966, DA PAM 20-67
*Not on sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. All others ARE on sale
"The More We Sweat In Peace The Less We Bleed In War" -Chinese Proverb (平時多流汗，戰時少留血 - 中國諺語)
世界其他地區之書目調查
隸屬於陸軍副官長辦公室（The Adjutant General's Office）、行政服務處（Administrative Services Directorate）的陸軍圖書館（The Army Library），近年來發行了一系列文獻書目調查，所有內容均為內部研究之成果。
以下為目前的書目調查清單：
核武與北約（NATO）：文獻分析調查，1970 年 1 月，DA PAM 50-1
拉丁美洲與加勒比海地區：文獻分析調查—1969 年版，1969 年 2 月，DA PAM 550-7
蘇聯（USSR）：戰略調查；書目—1969 年版，1969 年 1 月，DA PAM 550-6
中東：三洲樞紐；書目調查，第二卷，1968 年 4 月，DA PAM 550-2-1
非洲：戰略調查，1967 年 4 月，DA PAM 550-5
*南亞：戰略調查，1966 年 9 月，DA PAM 550-3
共產中國（Communist China）：戰略調查，1966 年 2 月，DA PAM 20-67
*華盛頓特區政府印刷局（Government Printing Office）文件監管處（Superintendent of Documents）未銷售此項目。其餘項目均有銷售。
DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY
OFFICE OF THE DEPUTY CHIEF OF STAFF FOR MILITARY OPERATIONS WASHINGTON, D.C. 20310
FOREWORD
This pamphlet of bibliographic material on Communist China has been compiled by research analysts of the US Army Library in response to a continuing need for sources of current in formation on that country. The last edition was published in February 1966. Since that date, many significant events in and related to Communist China focus the attention of the world on that area and highlight its importance not only to the affairs of Asia but to the rest of the world as well. The Cultural Revolution which first became public in the spring of 1966, the 1969 Sino-Soviet border dispute and the continuing involvement of mainland China in the affairs of countries on its periphery illustrate the complexity and the far ranging impact that these regional problems have on other countries of the world. A fuller comprehension of what is taking place within China today is important if we are to deal intelligently with that nation state in the future.
The bibliographic information provided includes a wide range of source material on a number of subjects which are keys to a knowledge of the region and its peoples. Hopefully, in creased knowledge will lead to a better understanding of the complex events taking place within China and within Asia.
RICHARD G. STILLWELL
Lieutenant general, GS Deputy Chief of Staff for Military Operations
陸軍部
軍事作戰副參謀長辦公室 華盛頓特區 20310
前言
這本關於共產中國的書目資料手冊，是由美國陸軍圖書館的研究分析人員所編纂，目的在回應對該國當前資訊來源的持續需求。上一版發行於 1966 年 2 月。自那時起，許多發生在共產中國境內或與之相關的重大事件，使全球目光聚焦於該地區，並凸顯了該地區不僅對亞洲事務，甚至對世界其他地區的重要性。1966 年春季首度公開的「文化大革命」、1969 年的「中蘇邊界衝突」，以及中國大陸持續涉入其周邊國家事務，皆說明了這些區域問題的複雜性，以及其對世界其他國家所產生的深遠影響。若我們欲在未來明智地應對該民族國家，則更全面地了解今日中國內部的局勢至關重要。
本書提供的書目資訊包含了廣泛的來源資料，涵蓋多項對於認識該地區及其人民至關重要的主題。期盼透過知識的增長，能讓我們對中國及亞洲內部發生的複雜事件有更佳的理解。
理查·G·史迪威 (RICHARD G. STILLWELL)
陸軍中將，參謀本部 軍事作戰副參謀長
ANALYSTS' NOTE
This unclassified bibliographic survey was prepared at the request of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Military Operations, United States Army. It up dates DA PAM 20-67 which was published in February 1966 and endeavors to shed light on Communist China in its internal and external image during the intervening years.
For the most part, the materials included in this pamphlet are available in the open holdings of The Army Library, Pentagon. The 800 abstracts in cluded in the publication were selected from several thousand periodical articles, books, studies, and reports, both friendly and unfriendly. No effort has been made to delete or exclude references by reason of their controversial nature. On the other hand, inclusion of entries does not represent an official endorsement of the views expressed.
The information appearing in the abstracts is supported by appendixes com prised of charts, tables, and 17 maps of military, political, economic, and sociological nature.
The research analysts gratefully acknowledge the assistance and coopera tion of the specialists in the various Federal Agencies. Special appreciation is extended to: Presentations, Staff Management Division, Office, Chief of Staff, for art work and graphics support; the Central Intelligence Agency for pro viding the colorful maps of China; the U.S. Army Topographic Command for the two outstanding maps of Southern Asia and Southeastern Asia; and to the Institute for Strategic Studies, London, for permission to use excerpts and statistical data from its publications.
分析人員註記
本非機密書目調查係應美國陸軍軍事作戰副參謀長之要求而編纂。本書目的在於更新民國55年（1966年）2月出版之 DA PAM 20-67，並致力於闡明共產中國在此期間之內部與外部形象。
本手冊所收錄之資料，絕大部分可於五角大廈陸軍圖書館之公開館藏中取得。刊物中收錄之 800 則摘要，係從數千篇期刊文章、書籍、研究與報告中篩選而出，來源不分敵友（包含友方與非友方觀點）。編者未因文獻具爭議性而予以刪除或排除；另一方面，收錄這些條目並不代表官方認可其所述觀點。
摘要中之資訊輔以附錄佐證，附錄內容包含圖表，以及 17 幅涵蓋軍事、政治、經濟及社會性質之地圖。
研究分析人員對各聯邦機構專家之協助與合作，謹此致謝。特別感謝：
參謀長辦公室參謀管理處簡報組（Presentations, Staff Management Division, Office, Chief of Staff）：提供美術與圖表支援；
中央情報局（CIA）：提供中國彩色地圖；
美國陸軍地形司令部（U.S. Army Topographic Command）：提供兩幅關於南亞與東南亞之精美地圖；
倫敦戰略研究所（Institute for Strategic Studies, London）：授權使用其出版品中之摘錄與統計數據。
本手冊包含版權資料
手冊編號 550-9
陸軍部總部 華盛頓特區，民國60年（1971年）2月12日
共產中國：書目調查
民國60年（1971年）版
第一章
全球野心與目標
A. 共產中國的革命戰爭戰略（另請參閱附錄 O）...... 1
B. 權力與影響力的驅動力（另請參閱第八章）...... 8
亞洲：新面向（另請參閱 IV-G）...... 8
a. 各類層面 (Miscellaneous Aspects) ...... 8
b. 亞洲的中國共產主義（另請參閱附錄 H）...... 11
c. 中國的邊疆與邊緣地帶（Rimland）目標（另請參閱 IV-F-3）...... 11
d. 中國、美國與蘇聯：三極政治與權力平衡 ...... 13
e. 中國在越南戰和問題中的角色 ...... 18
共產中國在阿拉伯世界的利益：非洲與中東 ...... 21
共產中國在世界其他地區的利益（開發中國家、拉丁美洲等）...... 24
第二章
中國的核武威脅：對東方與西方的挑戰
A. 各類層面 ...... 27
B. 核能發展（含試爆與測試）（另請參閱 III-A）...... 28
C. 核武政策與戰略（另請參閱 IV-F-6）...... 29
D. 政治軍事意涵：國內與國外（另請參閱 IV-G-3-c）...... 32
E. 核武中國與美國（另請參閱 IV-E）...... 36
第三章
軍事態勢
A. 作戰能力（另請參閱 V-G 及附錄 A 與 G）...... 39
B. 軍事準則（另請參閱附錄 O）...... 40
C. 中國武裝部隊與軍事平衡（另請參閱附錄 C）...... 41
D. 軍隊與黨：軍方的角色（另請參閱 VI-F）...... 44
(頁碼：v)
第四章
共產中國與世界：外交政策與國際關係
A. 中國的國際協定與履行 ...... 49
B. 北京（北平）的談判途徑 ...... 50
C. 中國與聯合國：態度、議題與政治（含入會問題）（另請參閱附錄 K 與 W）...... 51
D. 世界政治中的中國（另請參閱附錄）...... 53
各類層面 ...... 53
外交政策基礎與起源（另請參閱 V-C）...... 54
外交政策趨勢與目標 ...... 54
E. 中國與美國：當前緊張局勢的背景 ...... 57
各類層面 ...... 57
政策與議題 ...... 58
中美緩和（Sino-American Detente）？關於和解與可能對抗的一些觀點（另請參閱 IV-F-3）...... 63
中國對美國內部動亂的影響（另請參閱 V-E-4-d）...... 65
F. 國家利益觀點下的中蘇關係 ...... 66
各類層面 ...... 66
中蘇分裂：論戰與意涵 ...... 68
a. 各類層面 ...... 68
b. 政治—軍事層面 ...... 72
c. 中國—阿爾巴尼亞同盟 ...... 72
邊界糾紛（The Bristling Borders）（另請參閱地圖）...... 72
a. 各類層面（烏蘇里江衝突等）...... 72
b. 新疆、外蒙古及中蘇緊張局勢 ...... 76
中蘇對抗：全球層面（另請參閱 I-B）...... 76
中蘇戰爭是否不可避免：部分觀點與預測 ...... 79
中蘇關係與軍備控制及裁軍 ...... 81
G. 中國與亞洲各鄰國的關係（另請參閱 I-B）...... 84
阿富汗 ...... 84
緬甸 ...... 84
印度 ...... 84
a. 各類層面 ...... 85
b. 中印邊界爭議（另請參閱地圖附錄）...... 85
c. 核武層面（另請參閱 II）...... 86
印尼 ...... 87
日本 ...... 87
寮國 ...... 88
尼泊爾 ...... 90
北韓 ...... 91
巴基斯坦 ...... 91
泰國 ...... 91
西藏：佔領與殖民化（另請參閱地圖）...... 92
第五章
共產中國國家：政治、社會學與經濟的光譜
A. 共產中國：部分詮釋與評估（另請參閱 VI-A）...... 95
B. 背景與雜項（包含土地、地理特徵、人民等）（另請參閱附錄）...... 97
C. 中國歷史的光譜：從滿清官僚到國民黨再到共產黨（另請參閱下方 E）...... 99
D. 人口統計學 ...... 103
各類層面 ...... 103
人口爆炸（另請參閱地圖與附錄 L）...... 103
少數民族（另請參閱地圖與內文）...... 104
華僑 ...... 106
E. 中國共產主義：神話與現實（另請參閱 VI）...... 110
各類層面 ...... 110
起源與發展（另請參閱上方 C）...... 112
中國與俄國共產主義：意識形態的矛盾 ...... 113
共產國家（另請參閱 VI）...... 114
a. 各類層面 ...... 114
b. 政府與黨（另請參閱照片圖表，及附錄 B, D, 和 V）...... 115
c. 領導權的權力鬥爭：贏家、輸家與被整肅者（另請參閱 VI）...... 118
d. 毛澤東與毛澤東主義（另請參閱 VI-C）...... 121
(1) 各類層面 ...... 121
(2) 毛澤東後的中國：共產主義的未來 ...... 124
e. 周恩來 ...... 124
f. 林彪（另請參閱附錄 O）...... 125
F. 中國社會（另請參閱 VI）...... 125
各類層面 ...... 125
變遷中的社會 ...... 126
家庭制度與公社 ...... 127
教育 ...... 128
衛生與醫療 ...... 130
內部宣傳 ...... 131
法律與司法 ...... 131
宗教 ...... 133
G. 經濟狀況（另請參閱 VI 與附錄 M）...... 133
各類層面 ...... 133
農業（另請參閱地圖）...... 136
金融層面 ...... 139
對外貿易（含共產集團國家）...... 140
工業（另請參閱地圖）...... 141
勞工 ...... 142
石油與石油工業 ...... 142
運輸與交通 ...... 143
第六章
大動盪：文化大革命
A. 文化大革命：其意義與重要性（另請參閱 V-A）...... 145
B. 文化大革命：起源與爆發過程 ...... 148
C. 紅衛兵：毛澤東權力的工具（另請參閱 V-E-4-d）...... 150
D. 經濟層面 ...... 151
E. 外交政策層面（另請參閱 IV）...... 152
F. 文化大革命：黨與軍隊（另請參閱 III-D）...... 152
G. 各省的文化大革命 ...... 154
(頁碼：vi-vii)
第七章
中華民國在臺灣 (REPUBLIC OF CHINA ON TAIWAN)
A. 各類層面（另請參閱附錄 E, N, Q, R, S, 和 T 中的圖表）...... 157
B. 土地與人民（另請參閱 V-C）...... 158
C. 軍事層面 ...... 159
D. 中華民國與聯合國（另請參閱 IV-C 及附錄 K 與 W）...... 159
第八章
進一步研究與參考之原始資料 (SOURCE MATERIALS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH AND REFERENCE)
A. 各類層面 ...... 161
B. 地圖集 (Atlases) ...... 162
C. 名錄 (Directories) ...... 162
D. 手冊 (Handbooks) ...... 162
E. 年鑑 (Yearbooks) ...... 163
F. 書目 (Bibliographies) ...... 164
各類書目 (Miscellaneous Bibliographies) ...... 164
陸軍 (Army) ...... 164
邊界 (Boundaries) ...... 164
中國領導人（毛澤東、周恩來等）...... 165
共產主義 (Communism) ...... 165
文化大革命 (Cultural Revolution) ...... 165
經濟層面 (Economic Aspects) ...... 165
對外關係 (Foreign Relations) ...... 165
政府與黨 (Government and Party) ...... 166
歷史（含共產中國之前）(History) ...... 167
法律與司法 (Law and Justice) ...... 167
華僑 (Overseas Chinese) ...... 167
西藏 (Tibet) ...... 168
附錄：依字母順序排列 (APPENDIXES: AN ALPHABETICAL LISTING)
A. 軍事編隊之約略兵力，含共產中國（表）...... 171
B. 中共政府組織（圖表）...... 173
C. 中共軍事組織（圖表）...... 177
D. 中共黨組織（圖表）...... 179
E. 中華民國政府（圖表）(Chinese Nationalist Government) ...... 181
F. 共產中國背景說明 ...... 185
G. 共產中國軍事平衡 ...... 193
H. 中國周邊之共產黨（表與文）...... 197
I. 民國58年（1969年）軍事人力比較，含共產中國（表）（另請參閱 III-C）...... 199
J. 國防支出與國民經濟—亞洲（含兩個中國）、澳大拉西亞及非洲（統計表）（另請參閱 III-A 及 VII-C）...... 201
K. 對兩個中國之外交承認（表）(Diplomatic Recognition of Both Chinas) ...... 203
L. 共產國家與北約國家人口估計與預測，選定年份 1938-85，含共產中國（統計表）...... 205
M. 共產中國農工產出與國民生產毛額（GNP）指數（統計表）...... 209
N. 中國國民黨（KMT）組織（圖表）...... 211
O. 林彪宣言：北京眼中的世界 ...... 213
P. 二戰、韓戰（1950-1953）、第三次越南戰爭（1962-1967）主要參戰國（表）（另請參閱 V-C）...... 219
Q. 軍事支出及相關數據：民國56年（1967年），含兩個中國（表）（另請參閱 III-A）...... 223
R. 軍事支出之相對負擔，含兩個中國（表）（另請參閱 III-A）...... 225
S. 中華民國背景說明 ...... 227
T. 中華民國軍事平衡 ...... 235
U. 海峽與水道：主權（表）...... 237
V. 中國共產黨之實力 ...... 239
W. 聯合國對共產中國之表決（表）（另請參閱 IV-C）...... 245
X. 地圖 ...... 247
共產中國燃料與動力（附文字）...... 頁 248 對頁
共產中國軍區 ...... 頁 250 對頁
共產中國天然植被（附文字）...... 頁 250 對頁
共產中國省級行政區劃 ...... 頁 252 對頁
共產中國副省級行政區劃 ...... 頁 252 對頁
中蒙邊界，民國51年（1962年）12月 ...... 頁 252 對頁
東南亞 ...... 手冊封底內袋
南亞 ...... 手冊封底內袋
地圖索引：依字母順序排列 (MAP INDEX: AN ALPHABETICAL LISTING)
中蘇邊界：東段 (China-USSR Border: Eastern Sector) ...... 頁 72 對頁
中蘇邊界：西段 (China-USSR Border: Western Sector) ...... 頁 72 對頁
中共領導階層（附照片） (Chinese Communist Leadership (with photos)) ...... 頁 116 對頁
共產中國農業（附文字說明） (Communist China Agriculture (with text)) ...... 頁 138 對頁
共產中國民族語言群體（附文字說明） (Communist China Ethnolinguistic Groups (with text)) ...... 頁 106 對頁
共產中國燃料與動力（附文字說明） (Communist China Fuels and Power (with text)) ...... 頁 248 對頁
共產中國工業 (Communist China Industry) ...... 頁 142 對頁
共產中國軍區 (Communist China Military Regions) ...... 頁 250 對頁
共產中國天然植被（附文字說明） (Communist China Natural Vegetation (with text)) ...... 頁 250 對頁
共產中國省級行政區劃 (Communist China Province-Level Administrative Divisions) ...... 頁 252 對頁
共產中國副省級行政區劃 (Communist China Subprovince-Level Administrative Divisions) ...... 頁 252 對頁
華北人口 (North China Population) ...... 頁 104 對頁
中蒙邊界，民國51年（1962年）12月 (Sino-Mongolian Border, December 1962) ...... 頁 252 對頁
華南人口密度 (South China Population Densities) ...... 頁 104 對頁
東南亞 (Southeastern Asia) ...... 手冊封底內袋
南亞 (Southern Asia) ...... 手冊封底內袋
西藏高原 (Tibetan Highlands) ...... 頁 92 對頁
(頁碼：x)
COMMUNIST CHINA: A BIBLIOGRAPHIC SURVEY
1971 EDITION
CHAPTER I
GLOBAL AMBITIONS AND OBJECTIVES
A. Communist China's Strategy for Revolu tionary Warfare (See also Appendix 0)
THE AFRO-ASIAN OCEAN HEART LAND: A STUDY, by Rocco M. Paone, in Ma rine Corps Gazette, v.50, no.1 (January 1966) 21-26.
"The author advances a seldom-reported reason why we must fulfill our commitment in Southeast Asia; that a Viet Cong victory in Viet Nam is really only a limited objective for Com munist China." Under discussion: The dynamic significance of the Afro-Asian ocean heartland; Communist China's interest in the Afro-Asian ocean heartland; implementation of United States and Western policy; a multinational strike force; some basic international considerations (in formulating any geopolitical concept for this area). Concludes: "The concept of an Afro Asian Ocean Heartland, implemented by a multi national carrier based nuclear deterrent, is posi tive and bold and fits the requirements of con temporary and near future policy of the United States and the West as well. This heartland, in cluding as it does one of the most important sea areas of the world, is vital to the security of the West, and must be protected against the aggres sive policy of the Communist Chinese govern ment in that region of the world, if the United States is to remain the leader of Western diplo macy. Within this frame of thought then, the present strife in Viet-Nam offers a much greater challenge than the independence of South Viet Nam; it involves the concept of autonomy for the whole of the Afro-Asian Ocean region of the world. Supremacy in this area is the ultimate objective of the present Communist Chinese gov
ernment and the achievement of this aim must be denied by the United States." With map showing Afro-Asian area of the world within which 90% of the world's rubber, 60% of all uranium-plus one-fifth of US trade is comprised.
THE ASSAULT ON THE WEST, by Ian Greig. Surrey, England, 1968. 357 p.
"Mr. Greig has made a special study of Communist political warfare techniques. His aim in this work is to present a general survey of the strategy and tactics employed by Interna tional Communism in its bid for world domina tion during the last 20 years. In THE AS SAULT ON THE WEST he gives many new facts about the global nature of Communist bloc propaganda activities [including that of Com munist China], foreign broadcasts, news agencies, international front organisations, espionage, sub version, Communist Parties and their methods and finally Communist terrorism and guerilla warfare. The information presented is thorough ly documented and has been drawn from Com munist policy statements, official reports of West ern Governments and the statements of defectors who actually took part in the events described. The author believes that despite the occurrence of the Sino-Soviet split and other changes which have taken place in the Communist world in re cent years, the threat posed by the Communist assault on the West is increasing in scope and in tensity rather than decreasing. Rejecting the view that the Cold War is over or as one national newspaper put it that 'the world conspiracy of Communism is dying its natural death,' the author points out that the main thrust of the Communist offensive is now being centered upon attempts to
共產中國：書目調查 民國60年（1971年）版
第一章
全球野心與目標
A. 共產中國的革命戰爭戰略（另請參閱附錄 O）
《非亞海洋心臟地帶：一項研究》（THE AFRO-ASIAN OCEAN HEART LAND: A STUDY），作者 Rocco M. Paone，刊載於《海軍陸戰隊公報》（Marine Corps Gazette），第50卷第1期（民國55年/1966年1月），頁21-26。
「作者提出了一個鮮少被報導的理由，說明為何我們必須履行在東南亞的承諾；即越共（Viet Cong）在越南的勝利，對共產中國而言其實僅是一個有限目標。」討論議題包括：非亞海洋心臟地帶的動態重要性；共產中國對非亞海洋心臟地帶的利益；美國與西方政策的執行；多國打擊部隊；以及（在制定該地區地緣政治概念時的）一些基本國際考量。結論：「由多國航空母艦核嚇阻力量所實施的非亞海洋心臟地帶概念，既積極又大膽，且符合美國與西方當代及不久將來的政策需求。這個心臟地帶包含了世界上最重要的海域之一，對西方的安全至為重要；若美國要維持西方外交的領導地位，就必須保護該區域免受共產中國政府的侵略政策侵害。在這樣的思維架構下，目前越南的衝突所帶來的挑戰，遠大於南越獨立本身；它涉及了全球整個非亞海洋區域的自治概念。在該區域取得霸權是目前共產中國政府的終極目標，而美國必須阻止其實現此一目的。」附圖顯示非亞區域涵蓋了全球 90% 的橡膠、60% 的鈾礦以及五分之一的美國貿易額。
《對西方的攻擊》（THE ASSAULT ON THE WEST），作者 Ian Greig。英國薩里郡（Surrey），民國57年（1968年）。357頁。
「Greig 先生對共產主義的政治作戰技術進行了專題研究。他在本書中的目的在於，對國際共產主義在過去20年間為爭奪世界統治權所運用的戰略與戰術，進行概括性的調查。在《對西方的攻擊》一書中，他提供了許多關於共產集團宣傳活動全球性質的新事實 [包含共產中國的活動]、對外廣播、新聞機構、國際外圍組織（front organisations）、間諜活動、顛覆活動、共產黨及其手段，以及最後的共產主義恐怖主義與游擊戰。本書提出的資訊皆有詳實的文獻佐證，取材自共產黨的政策聲明、西方政府的官方報告，以及實際參與所述事件的投誠者之陳述。作者認為，儘管近年來共產世界發生了『中蘇分裂』（Sino-Soviet split）及其他變革，但共產主義對西方的攻擊所構成的威脅，其範圍與強度非但沒有減少，反而正在增加。作者駁斥了冷戰已經結束，或如某家全國性報紙所言『共產主義的世界陰謀正在自然消亡』的觀點，並指出共產主義攻勢的主力目前正集中於試圖……」
APPENDIX Q
MILITARY EXPENDITURES AND ADIVE BU RELATED DATA: 1967 INCLUDING BOTH CHINAS
(TABLE)
-MILITARY EXPENDITURES AND RELATED DATA: 1967-
APPENDIX S REPUBLIC OF CHINA BACKGROUND NOTES
DEPARTMENT OF STATE APRIL 1969 REPUBLIC OF CHINA BACKGROUND NOTES
Population: 13.7 million (est.)
Capital: Taipei
Taiwan (Formosa), the seat of the Government of the Republic of China (G.R.C.) since 1949, is an island 90 miles off the southeast coast of the Chinese mainland. It and the Pescadores (Penghu) Islands lying to the west are administered as the Province of Taiwan.
Taiwan itself roughly resembles a tobacco leaf in shape and is about 240 miles long and 60 to 90 miles wide. The island, with a total area of about 14,000 square miles, is about the size of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island combined. A north-south mountain range forms the backbone of the island, with the highest peak, Mt. Morrison or Yu Shan, rising to 13,100 feet. The eastern slope of this range is exceedingly steep and craggy, but the western half of the island is generally flat, fertile, and well-cultivated, yielding two and, in the southernmost regions, three rice crops each year. The principal harbors are Keelung (Chi-lung) and Kao-hsiung. The "offshore islands" held by the Republic
of China consist of two principal island groups close to the mainland-Kinmen (Quemoy) off Amoy and Matsu off Foochow-plus a few minor islands. The Tropic of Cancer bisects Taiwan slightly south of its midpoint. The climate is semitropical. The island is in the so-called earthquake and ty phoon belts and suffers periodic damage from vio lent rains, floods, winds, and tremors.
The Chinese flag consists of a red field with a white sun in a blue rectangle in the upper left corner. The sun symbolizes the Kuomintang Party; the 12 rays, progressive spirit, Red, white, and blue bespeak sacrifice, justice, and fraternity.
THE PEOPLE
Taiwan has a population of more than 13.5 million; the Pescadores population of about 100,000; and the offshore islands a total of approximately 70,000 inhabitants, excluding the military. The death rate of less than .6 percent is one of the world's lowest; the rate of population growth, now about 2.3 percent a year, has de clined steadily for the last several years from one of the highest in the world.
The Taiwanese, with the exception of about 150,000 aborigines believed to be related to aboriginal tribes in the Philippines, are descendants of Chinese who migrated from the crowded coastal areas of Fukien and Kwangtung Provinces within the last 300 years. The approximately 1.5 million mainlanders who arrived in Taiwan in 1949 and 1950 came from all parts of China.
The peculiarly Chinese combination of Buddhism and Taoism, imported into Taiwan centuries ago with the original Chinese settlers of the island, is the predominant religion. A thin scattering of Moslems was introduced with the movement of refugees from the mainland after the Communist victory there in 1949. Christian missionaries have been active in Taiwan since before the Japanese occupation, and there are now-roughly 400,000 practicing Christians among the local population.
More than 80 percent of the inhabitants of Taiwan are literate. Native Taiwanese speak a variant of the Amoy dialect, although Hakka dialect is spoken in the rural districts of two north western counties (Hsinchu and Miaoli) and in small enclaves in the southern and eastern districts. An increasing number of people speak Mandarin, the official Chinese dialect, which now is taught in all schools. Most adult Taiwanese also speak Japanese as a result of 50 years of Japanese rule; and nearly every dialect of China is rep resented among the mainland Chinese of the island.
HISTORY
According to Chinese sources there had been some Chinese migration to Taiwan as early as the 6th century. The major influx, however, took place during and after the 17th century from the Chinese mainland Provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung. From 1624 to 1661, the Dutch held a base on Taiwan, but they were driven out by Koxinga (CHENG Cheng-kung), who used the island as a base in his attempt to defeat the Manchus and restore the Ming Dynasty. The Manchus conquered the island in 1683, and the Chinese exercised sovereignty over the island until 1895, when it was ceded to Japan following the Sino-Japanese War.
At the end of World War II in 1945, the Chinese Government received the surrender of the Japanese forces on Taiwan, and the Chinese Government has administered the island since that time. The Chinese Government established its capital at Taipei in December 1949, following the Communist conquest of the mainland. In the peace treaty of 1952, the Japanese renounced any claim to Taiwan and the Pescadores.
國務院 民國58年（1969年）4月 中華民國背景說明
人口：1,370 萬（估計值）
首都：臺北
臺灣（福爾摩沙），自民國38年（1949年）以來即為中華民國政府（G.R.C.）所在地，是位於中國大陸東南海岸外 90 英里處的一座島嶼。本島與位於西側的澎湖群島（Pescadores）共同隸屬於臺灣省管轄。
臺灣本島形狀大致像一片菸葉，長約 240 英里，寬約 60 至 90 英里。全島總面積約 14,000 平方英里，大約相當於美國麻薩諸塞州、康乃狄克州和羅德島州的總和。一條南北向的山脈構成了本島的脊梁，最高峰為玉山（Mt. Morrison），海拔 13,100 英尺。該山脈東坡極其陡峭崎嶇，但西半部則普遍平坦、肥沃且耕作發達，每年可收成兩期稻作，最南部地區甚至可達三期。主要港口為基隆（Keelung/Chi-lung）與高雄（Kao-hsiung）。中華民國控制的「外島」主要包括靠近大陸的兩個主要島群——廈門外海的金門（Kinmen/Quemoy）與福州外海的馬祖（Matsu）——以及若干小島。北回歸線在其中點稍南處橫貫臺灣。氣候屬亞熱帶。本島位於所謂的地震帶與颱風帶，週期性遭受暴雨、洪水、強風與地震的損害。
中國國旗（Chinese flag | 中華民國國旗）由紅色為底，左上角為藍色矩形內的白日所組成。太陽象徵國民黨；12 道光芒象徵進步精神；紅、白、藍三色分別訴說著犧牲、正義與博愛。
人民
臺灣人口超過 1,350 萬；澎湖人口約 10 萬；外島居民總數約 7 萬（不含軍人）。死亡率低於 0.6%，為全球最低之一；人口成長率目前每年約 2.3%，過去幾年已從全球最高之一持續下降。
臺灣人（Taiwanese），除約 15 萬名據信與菲律賓原住民部落有血緣關係的原住民外，皆為過去 300 年間從福建與廣東省擁擠沿海地區移居之漢人後裔。民國38年（1949年）至39年（1950年）抵臺的約 150 萬外省人（mainlanders）則來自中國各地。
隨早期漢人移民傳入臺灣，那種獨具中國特色的佛道混合信仰，是主要的宗教。隨著民國38年（1949年）共產黨在大陸勝利後的難民潮，少量穆斯林（回教徒）也進入了臺灣。基督教傳教士早在日本佔領前便活躍於臺灣，目前當地人口中約有 40 萬名虔誠基督徒。
臺灣超過 80% 的居民識字。本省人說廈門方言（閩南語）的一種變體，但在西北兩縣（新竹與苗栗）的鄉村地區及南部與東部的小塊飛地則使用客家方言。越來越多人使用國語（Mandarin，官方漢語方言），目前所有學校皆有教授。由於日本 50 年的統治，多數成年臺灣人亦能說日語；而島上的外省人則幾乎涵蓋了中國的所有方言。
歷史
根據中國史料，早在 6 世紀即有部分漢人移居臺灣。然而，主要的人口湧入發生在 17 世紀及其後，來自中國大陸的福建與廣東省。1624 年至 1661 年，荷蘭人曾在臺灣建立基地，但被國姓爺（鄭成功）驅逐，他以臺灣為基地，試圖擊敗滿清並恢復明朝。滿清於 1683 年征服本島，中國對該島行使主權直至 1895 年甲午戰爭後割讓予日本。
民國34年（1945年）二戰結束時，中國政府接受了駐臺日軍的投降，並自那時起管轄該島。隨著共產黨攻佔大陸，中國政府於民國38年（1949年）12月將首都設於臺北。在民國41年（1952年）的和平條約中，日本放棄了對臺灣與澎湖的所有權利主張。
GOVERNMENT
The Government of the Republic of China moved to Taipei on December 8, 1949. Chiang Kai-shek has been President of the Republic of China since 1948, except for a brief period of semiretirement in 1949. He has been the Republic's fore most statesman and military leader since 1927.
Under the Republic's Constitution adopted in 1947 the sovereignty of the people is exercised by the National Assembly, which elects the President and Vice President. The present National Assembly was elected in 1947 on a territorial and professional basis. (Its term was for 6 years, but the Constitution has been in terpreted broadly in view of the present im possibility of conducting elections on the main land.) At the time of the election the number of seats in the Assembly was 3,045, but less than half of the seats now are filled. However, the Constitution has been interpreted so that a quorum is defined as a fraction of those members able to attend an Assembly session instead of a fraction of the original membership. In addition to electing the President and Vice President, the Assembly has the power to amend the Constitution and the powers, as yet not exercised, of initiative and referendum.
The President stands above the five branches of the Government (the Five Yuans). He is assisted by the Office of the President, which is headed by a Secretary-General; and he appoints the Pre- mier, with the consent of the Legislative Yuan. The Premier is the President of the Executive Yuan (or Cabinet) and is responsible for policy and administration. The main legislative organ is the Legislative Yuan, originally with 773 seats; less than 400 members now attend the sessions. The other elected branch is the Control Yuan, which checks on the efficiency and honesty of the Government. There are only about 80 members now, compared to about 180 in 1949, the year its number was at a maximum. The Examination Yuan has functions similar to those of our Civil Service Commission. The Judicial Yuan includes a 17-man Council of Grand Justices, which func tions like our Supreme Court, to interpret the Constitution.
The top local government organ is the Taiwan Provincial Government. Its chief executive, the Governor, is appointed by the national Gov ernment. There is an elective Provincial As sembly with limited powers.
POLITICAL CONDITIONS
The political situation in the Republic of China remains stable. There has been relatively little change in the top policy positions of the Gov ernment under the leadership of President Chiang Kai-shek, inaugurated for his fourth 6-year term on May 20, 1966. Also inaugurated in 1966 was Vice President Yen Chia-kan who serves concur rently as Premier, a position he has held since 1963. Chiang Ching-kuo, elder son of the President, is Minister of National Defense and has increasingly attained a position of pre eminence within the Government and the ruling political party.
Friction between native Taiwanese, most of whom came from the Chinese mainland in the 17th century, and the Chinese, who came from the mainland between 1945 and 1949, constituted a serious problem in the early years after the Japanese surrender but is slowly diminishing. Although Taiwanese do not play an important role in the national Government, they hold most of the elective and appointive positions at the pro vincial and local levels. Taiwanese are mayors of all five cities, county magistrates of 15 of the 16 counties, and occupants of most of the seats in the Provincial Assembly.
The Kuomintang (KMT) or Nationalist Party is the principal political party and enjoys a ma jority in all political bodies-national, provincial, and local. There are two minor political parties but neither exercises any important influence. Successful non-KMT candidates in local elections have generally run as independents although the present mayor of Kao-hsiung is a member of the Democratic Socialist Party. While the Govern ment maintains strict security measures in its vigil against any possible subversion from the Communist Chinese mainland, there is a consider able amount of political liberty on local issues, as reflected by the free local elections throughout Taiwan and the Pescadores.
ECONOMY
Taiwan is moving rapidly from an agricultural to a predominantly industrial economy. In 1966 industrial output surpassed the value of agricul tural output and by 1968 had exceeded it by 26 percent.
Overall economic growth has been fast and sustained. In 1968 the gross national product. (GNP) in real terms increased by 10.3 percent, and during the past 10 years the increase in real terms has averaged more than 7 percent per year. GNP in 1967 was $3,539 million. Population has also been increasing but not nearly as quickly; the growth of real per capita income has averaged 5.7 percent annually, amounting to $237 in 1968.
Industry
The bulk of Taiwan's nonagricultural economic activity is concentrated in light and medium manufacturing. Expansion in these industries is proceeding at a spectacular rate. Textiles and garments, which account for some 13 percent of the value of all manufacturing, have been increasing at 10 percent per year for the past 6 years. Electrical equipment production, particularly electronic, which had been expanding more than 40 percent per year, doubled in 1968,
政府
中華民國政府於民國38年（1949年）12月8日遷往臺北。蔣中正（Chiang Kai-shek）自民國37年（1948年）起擔任中華民國總統，除卻民國38年短暫的「引退」時期。自民國16年（1927年）以來，他一直是民國最重要的政治家與軍事領袖。
根據民國36年（1947年）通過的中華民國憲法，主權屬於國民，由國民大會（National Assembly）行使，負責選舉總統與副總統。現任國民大會代表係於民國36年依據區域與職業團體基礎選出。（其任期原為6年，但鑑於目前無法在大陸地區舉行選舉，憲法已作廣義解釋。）選舉時國大代表席次為 3,045 席，但目前在任者不到半數。然而，經憲法解釋，法定人數（quorum）之定義已調整為以能出席會議之成員比例計算，而非以原始成員總數計算。除了選舉正副總統外，國民大會擁有修憲權，以及尚未行使的創制權與複決權。
總統凌駕於政府五院（Five Yuans）之上。總統府（Office of the President）設有秘書長輔佐總統；總統經立法院同意後任命行政院長（Premier）。行政院長即行政院（或內閣）院長，負責政策與行政。主要立法機關為立法院，原設 773 席；目前出席會議者不到 400 人。另一民選機構為監察院（Control Yuan），負責監督政府的效率與廉潔。目前僅剩約 80 名委員，而民國38年人數最多時約有 180 人。考試院（Examination Yuan）之職能類似我國（美國）的公務員委員會。司法院（Judicial Yuan）包含由 17 人組成的大法官會議（Council of Grand Justices），其功能類似我國（美國）最高法院，負責解釋憲法。
最高地方政府機關為臺灣省政府。其行政首長（省主席）由中央政府任命。另設有權力有限的民選省議會。
政治現況
中華民國的政治局勢保持穩定。在總統蔣中正領導下，政府高層政策職位變動相對較少；蔣總統於民國55年（1966年）5月20日就任其第四個6年任期。副總統嚴家淦（Yen Chia-kan）亦於民國55年就職，並兼任行政院長，該職位自民國52年（1963年）起由其擔任。蔣經國（Chiang Ching-kuo，總統長子）現任國防部長，在政府與執政黨內的地位日益顯赫。
本省人（native Taiwanese，多數於 17 世紀來自中國大陸）與外省人（Chinese，於民國34年至38年間來自大陸）之間的摩擦，在日本投降後的初期曾構成嚴重問題，但正逐漸消退。雖然本省人在中央政府中未扮演重要角色，但佔有省級與地方層級大多數的民選與任命職位。五個省轄市的市長均為本省人，16 個縣中有 15 個縣長由本省人擔任，且佔據省議會大多數席次。
中國國民黨（KMT）為主要政黨，在所有政治團體——中央、省級與地方——均享有過半優勢。另有兩個小型政黨，但均無重要影響力。非國民黨籍的成功候選人在地方選舉中通常以無黨籍身分參選，雖現任高雄市長為中國民主社會黨（Democratic Socialist Party）黨員。雖然政府為防範共產中國大陸可能的顛覆活動而維持嚴格的安全措施，但在地方議題上仍有相當程度的政治自由，此反映於臺灣及澎湖各地的自由地方選舉中。
經濟
臺灣正迅速從農業經濟轉型為以工業為主的經濟。民國55年（1966年）工業產值超越農業產值，至民國57年（1968年）已超過農業 26%。
整體經濟成長快速且持續。民國57年實質國民生產毛額（GNP）成長 10.3%，過去 10 年平均實質成長率超過 7%。民國56年（1967年）的國民生產毛額為 35.39 億美元。人口雖有增加但速度未及經濟成長；實質人均所得平均每年成長 5.7%，民國57年達 237 美元。
工業 臺灣非農業經濟活動主要集中於輕型與中型製造業。這些產業的擴張速度驚人。佔製造業總產值約 13% 的紡織與成衣業，過去 6 年每年成長 10%。電機設備生產（特別是電子產品）每年擴張超過 40%，並於民國57年（1968年）翻倍，幾乎達到紡織業產出的水準。金屬與機械的生產正以每年 20% 的可觀速度增長，目前約佔所有製造商品總值的 8%。
almost reaching the level of textile output. Production of metal and machinery has been increasing at a respectable rate of 20 percent per year and now accounts for about 8 percent of the total value of all manufactured goods.
The growth of other manufacturing industries has been extensive in recent years and presently includes the production of plywood, fertilizers, petrochemicals, cement, plastics, and glass. The development of heavier industry is now being con sidered. Electric power capacity has been greatly expanded but has been hard put to keep pace with growing demands. Water power sites are almost exhausted and nuclear as well as new thermal plants are planned.
Agriculture
Agriculture, still an important sector of the economy, is more intensive on Taiwan than in any other country in the world, with the exception of Japan. Although only one-fourth of the land is arable, virtually all of it is cultivated and most produces two or three crops per year.
The two most important crops are rice and sugar. The 1968 rice crop amounted to about 2.5 million tons. As the staple food of the population, it is largely consumed domestically, but until recently there were substantial exports to Japan. Sugar, unlike rice, is a major export crop and until 1965 was Taiwan's largest earner of foreign exchange. Textiles are now the major export but, because of diversification, account for less than 15 percent of the total. Exports in 1968 were approximately 1 million tons. Additional export crops include bananas, mushrooms, tea, and asparagus.
Other important crops, essentially for do mestic consumption, are sweet potatoes, tobacco, peanuts, soybeans, and cassava. Pigs and poultry are significant livestock items.
Fisheries, particularly deep sea fishing, are expanding rapidly. With the catch doubling over the past 10 years, the fishing industry makes a significant contribution to the diet and to the
export earnings of Taiwan.
The agricultural sector has become increas ingly flexible in the last few years in finding new demands and growing new crops to meet them.
Trade
The Republic of China's trade is expanding to keep pace with industrial growth. The increase has been from 10-30 percent each year for the past 6 years. Exports jumped 22 percent in 1968 to $843 million. The increase in imports slowed from 35 and 40 percent in 1966 and 1967 to 11 percent in 1968 when they totaled $976 million. With the buildup of industry, imports of capital goods have risen steadily over the past 15 years and now account for nearly 40 percent of total imports, while importation of raw materials has declined to 55 percent and consumer goods to 7 percent. Beginning in 1966, exports of industrial products exceeded the value of both processed and unprocessed agricultural products as the latter are gradually declining in relative importance, although rising in dollar value.
U.S. Aid
For 15 years, from 1950 to 1965, the United States assisted the Chinese in their determined efforts to rehabilitate and strengthen their econ omy. The hard work of the Chinese people, supplemented by $1.5 billion in economic and tech nical assistance from the United States, had dramatic results.
During the last 10 years of the assistance program (1956-65) China's gross national product increased at an average annual rate of 7.7 per cent. Over the same period per capita income increased 4.3 percent annually and industrial production more than trebled. Farmers also shared in the extraordinary growth through the expansion of agricultural production at the rate of 6.1 percent annually during the 10-year period.
In July 1965, AID announced the termination of its assistance program. However, certain other U.S. Government programs, including the shipment of surplus agricultural commodities, have continued.
The Military Assistance Program has also continued, although at reduced levels made possible by the increased ability of the Chinese to finance their own defense requirements.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
One of the Government's chief policy concerns in the field of foreign relations has been the preservation and strengthening of its international position. The G.R.C. has followed an active foreign policy in support of its position, an important feature of which is a highly successful aid program, called Vanguard, carried on principally in Africa but also extending to some Asian and Latin American countries.
Although the G.R.C. has undertaken some small nonagricultural technical assistance projects, its main emphasis under the Vanguard program has been on agricultural demonstration and extension, particularly in rice culture. This has involved the sending of Chinese teams to recipient countries and programs in Taiwan for trainees from those countries. Prior to 1965 the G.R.C. had allocated approximately $1 million to the Vanguard program. The budget has since in creased rapidly and in 1967 exceeded $5 million. In order to encourage and cooperate with the G.R.C. in a further expansion of this successful program, the United States agreed to commit over a 2-year period up to half of the local currency generated by the sale of surplus agricultural
近年來，其他製造業的成長亦相當廣泛，目前包括合板、肥料、石化產品、水泥、塑膠與玻璃的生產。現正考慮發展重工業。電力容量雖已大幅擴充，但仍難以跟上日益增長的需求。水力發電位址幾乎已開發殆盡，目前正計畫興建核能發電廠及新的火力發電廠。
農業
農業雖仍為經濟的重要部門，但臺灣農業的集約程度除日本外，高居世界之冠。儘管僅有四分之一的土地為可耕地，但幾乎所有可耕地皆已投入耕作，且多數土地每年可收成兩至三期作物。
最重要的兩種作物為稻米與糖。民國57年（1968年）的稻米產量約達 250 萬噸。作為人口的主食，稻米主要供國內消費，但直到最近仍有大量出口至日本。糖與稻米不同，是主要的出口作物，在民國54年（1965年）以前曾是臺灣最大的外匯收入來源。紡織品現已成為主要出口項目，但由於出口多樣化，其佔比低於總額的 15%。民國57年的糖出口量約為 100 萬噸。其他的出口作物包括香蕉、洋菇、茶葉與蘆筍。
其他主要供國內消費的重要作物包括甘薯、菸草、花生、大豆與木薯。豬與家禽為重要的牲畜項目。
漁業，特別是遠洋漁業，正迅速擴張。隨著過去 10 年漁獲量翻倍，漁業對臺灣的飲食及出口收入皆做出了重大貢獻。
農業部門在過去幾年中變得日益靈活，能發掘新需求並種植新作物以滿足市場。
貿易
中華民國的貿易正隨著工業成長的步伐擴張。過去 6 年來，每年成長幅度介於 10% 至 30% 之間。民國57年（1968年）出口躍升 22%，達到 8.43 億美元。進口成長率則從民國55年（1966年）與56年（1967年）的 35% 至 40% 放緩至民國57年的 11%，總額為 9.76 億美元。隨著工業的建立，資本財（capital goods）的進口在過去 15 年間穩定上升，目前佔進口總額近 40%，而原料進口降至 55%，消費財則降至 7%。自民國55年起，工業產品的出口值已超過加工與未加工農產品，農產品的相對重要性雖逐漸下降，但其美元總值仍持續上升。
美援
在民國39年（1950年）至54年（1965年）的 15 年間，美國協助中華民國致力於復興並強化其經濟。中華民國人民的辛勤工作，輔以美國 15 億美元的經濟與技術援助，獲致了顯著的成果。
在援助計畫的最後 10 年（民國45年至54年），中華民國的國民生產毛額（GNP）年平均成長率達 7.7%。同期間，人均所得每年增加 4.3%，工業生產成長超過三倍。農民亦透過農業生產以每年 6.1% 的速度擴張，共享了這段非凡的成長。
民國54年（1965年）7月，美國國際開發總署（AID）宣布終止其援助計畫。然而，某些其他的美國政府計畫，包括剩餘農產品的運送，仍持續進行。
軍事援助計畫（Military Assistance Program）亦持續進行，唯因中華民國負擔自身防衛需求的能力增加，援助規模已縮減。
對外關係
政府在外交關係領域的主要政策關注點之一，是維護並加強其國際地位。中華民國政府（G.R.C.）採取積極的外交政策以支持其立場，其中一項重要特色為一項極為成功的援助計畫，稱為「先鋒案」（Vanguard，即派遣農耕隊），主要在非洲執行，但也延伸至部分亞洲與拉丁美洲國家。
雖然中華民國政府已承擔了一些小型的非農業技術援助項目，但其「先鋒案」的重點在於農業示範與推廣，特別是稻作栽培。這涉及派遣中華民國團隊（農耕隊）至受援國，以及在臺灣為這些國家的學員開設課程。在民國54年（1965年）之前，中華民國政府已撥款約 100 萬美元於先鋒案。此後預算迅速增加，民國56年（1967年）已超過 500 萬美元。為了鼓勵並與中華民國政府合作進一步擴大此一成功計畫，美國同意在兩年期間承諾提供銷售剩餘農產品所產生的部分當地貨幣給予中華民國政府，依據民國56年（1967年）12月12日簽署的第480號公法（Public Law 480，即糧食和平計畫）協定所提供之農產品。美方此項捐助將不超過 1,875 萬美元，而中華民國政府將承諾投入不少於 625 萬美元。
commodities to the G.R.C. under the Public Law 480 agreement signed on December 12, 1967. This U.S. contribution would not exceed $18,750,000, and the G.R.C. would commit not less than $6,250,000.
In addition to being a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, the G.R.C. participates in several U.N. specialized agencies. An important aspect of its foreign policy has been its position in the United Nations. Except in 1964, the right of the G.R.C. to represent China in the United Nations has been challenged each year since 1950. In 1961 the so-called Albanian resolution was pre sented. This resolution called for the seating of the Chinese Communists and the expulsion of the G.R.C. At the same time, the United States and other countries friendly to the G.R.C. introduced a resolution which would consider any change regarding the representation of China to be an "important question" requiring approval by a two-thirds majority of the General Assembly. The "important question" resolution has been passed on five separate occasions, and the Albanian resolution has been defeated each time it has been. presented.
In 1966 a third resolution regarding the Chinese representation issue was introduced by Italy and others. This resolution, termed the "study committee" resolution, proposed establishment of a committee to explore and study the Chinese representation question in all its aspects in order to "make appropriate recommendations to the General Assembly . . . for an equitable and practical solution to the question." The United States voted for this proposal which was, however, defeated that year and in the two subsequent Assemblies.
At present, 66 countries recognize or have relations with the G.R.C.; 50 recognize or have relations with the Communist Chinese Government; two countries claim to recognize both Governments; and 15 recognize neither.
G. R. C. Participation in Regional Cooperation
Given the size of Taiwan and the comparatively recent growth of its economy, the G.R.C. already has made a notable contribution to the development of institutions and patterns of regional cooperation in East Asia. It is a member of a broad range of regional organizations, including the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE), the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC), the Asian Productivity Organization (APO), the Council of Asian Labor Ministers, and the Asian Parliamentary Union. Chinese delegations have taken part in the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions/Asian Regional Organization conferences, and, although not a member, G.R.C. contributions have been wel comed by the Mekong Committee (Committee for the Coordination of Investigations of the Lower Mekong Basin).
The G.R.C. has been particularly active in assisting in the diffusion throughout East Asia of advanced agricultural techniques and services. Additionally, the G.R.C. has shared its own ex periences in land reform, light industrialization, economic diversification and development, and family planning with other countries in the region. Of possibly greater potential significance for the future of regional cooperation has been the imaginative joint planning recently undertaken by the G.R.C. and the Republic of Korea looking toward shared production and marketing of syn thetic textile raw materials. Both countries plan to extend this arrangement to other areas in which domestic markets do not justify the large scale capital investment required for production facilities.
U.S. POLICY
The United States recognizes and maintains diplomatic relations with the Government of the Republic of China. It supports the G.R.C.'s rightful place in the United Nations and other international organizations.
Since the beginning of the Korean war it has been United States policy to assist the Chinese Government in defending Taiwan and the Pescadores against Communist attack. To carry out this mission the 7th Fleet was directed by President Truman on June 27, 1950, to repell any attack on Taiwan by the Chinese Communists. On March 3, 1955, a mutual defense treaty between the United States and China came into effect. Under the terms of this treaty the United States is committed formally to the defense of Taiwan and the Pescadores; by an exchange of notes pursuant to this treaty, the United States and the Republic of China agreed that use of force from the treaty area or the offshore islands would be a matter of joint agreement, except for self-defense actions of an emergency nature. Under Public Law 4, 84th Congress, the President is authorized to take such measures as he deems necessary for the protection of Formosa and the Pescadores, this authority to include the "securing and protection of such related positions and territories of that area now in friendly hands and the taking of such other measures as he judges to be re quired or appropriate in assuring the defense of Formosa and the Pescadores."
The United States is assisting the Chinese Government to strengthen the defense capabilities of its military forces. A Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) has been on Taiwan since May 1, 1951, training and reequipping the Chinese Army, Navy, and Air Force.
The United States encouraged the G.R.C. in a program of accelerated economic development, beginning in 1960, to assist in creating an example of economic vitality. The economic progress achieved in Taiwan under this program has made it possible to carry out a policy of gradually stopping concessional aid. As a result, the AID Mission, as mentioned above, closed in July 1965 with only a small residual AID staff remaining in Taipei until 1967.
除身為聯合國安全理事會常任理事國外，中華民國政府亦參與多個聯合國專門機構。其外交政策的一個重要面向為其在聯合國的地位。除民國53年（1964年）外，中華民國在聯合國代表中國的權利自民國39年（1950年）以來每年皆受到挑戰。民國50年（1961年），所謂的「阿爾巴尼亞提案」（Albanian resolution，我方稱「排我納匪案」）被提出。該決議案要求讓中共入會並驅逐中華民國政府。與此同時，美國及其他對中華民國友好的國家提出一項決議案，將任何關於中國代表權變更之議題視為「重要問題」（important question），需經大會三分之二多數同意方可通過。「重要問題」決議案已在五個不同場合獲得通過，而「阿爾巴尼亞提案」則在每次提出時皆遭否決。
民國55年（1966年），義大利及其他國家提出了關於中國代表權問題的第三項決議案。此決議案被稱為「研究委員會」（study committee）決議案，提議成立一個委員會來探索與研究中國代表權問題的各個層面，以便「向大會提出適當建議……以尋求該問題之公平與實際的解決方案」。美國對此提案投下贊成票，但該提案在當年及隨後兩屆大會中均遭否決。
目前，有 66 個國家承認中華民國政府或與之有外交關係；50 個國家承認共產中國政府或與之有外交關係；2 個國家聲稱同時承認兩個政府；另有 15 個國家兩者皆不承認。
中華民國參與區域合作 鑑於臺灣的幅員及其經濟相對近期的成長，中華民國政府已對東亞區域合作機構與模式的發展做出了顯著貢獻。它是廣泛區域組織的成員，包括亞洲暨遠東經濟委員會（ECAFE，亞遠經委會）、亞洲開發銀行（ADB，亞銀）、亞太理事會（ASPAC）、亞洲生產力組織（APO）、亞洲勞工部長會議以及亞洲國會議員聯合會（APU）。中華民國代表團亦參與了國際自由工會聯合會／亞洲區域組織的會議；此外，雖非成員國，中華民國政府對湄公河委員會（Mekong Committee，全名：湄公河下游流域調查協調委員會）的捐助亦受到歡迎。
中華民國政府在協助將先進農業技術與服務推廣至整個東亞地區方面尤為積極。此外，中華民國亦與該地區其他國家分享其在土地改革、輕工業化、經濟多樣化與發展，以及家庭計畫方面的經驗。對未來區域合作可能具有更重大潛在意義的，是中華民國與大韓民國（Republic of Korea）近期展開之富想像力的聯合規劃，展望共同生產與行銷合成纖維原料。兩國計畫將此安排擴展至其他領域，即那些國內市場規模不足以支撐生產設施所需大規模資本投資的項目。
美國政策
美國承認中華民國政府並與之維持外交關係。美國支持中華民國政府在聯合國及其他國際組織中的合法地位。
自韓戰爆發以來，美國的政策一直是協助中華民國政府防衛臺灣與澎湖免受共產黨攻擊。為執行此任務，杜魯門總統（President Truman）於民國39年（1950年）6月27日指示第七艦隊擊退任何共產中國對臺灣的攻擊。民國44年（1955年）3月3日，美國與中華民國之間的《中美共同防禦條約》正式生效。依據該條約條款，美國正式承諾防衛臺灣與澎湖；透過該條約之換文，美國與中華民國同意，除緊急性質的自衛行動外，從條約區域或外島使用武力均屬共同協議事項。依據第 84 屆國會通過的第 4 號公法（Public Law 4，即《福爾摩沙決議案》），總統獲授權採取其認為必要之措施以保護福爾摩沙（臺灣）與澎湖，此授權包括「確保與保護該區域內目前掌握在友方手中之相關陣地與領土，以及採取其認為對於確保福爾摩沙與澎湖防衛所必需或適當之其他措施」。
美國正協助中華民國政府強化其軍事部隊的防衛能力。美軍顧問團（MAAG）自民國40年（1951年）5月1日起駐紮於臺灣，負責訓練並重新裝備中華民國陸軍、海軍與空軍。
美國鼓勵中華民國政府自民國49年（1960年）起推動加速經濟發展計畫，以協助建立經濟活力的典範。在此計畫下臺灣所獲致的經濟進步，使逐步停止優惠性援助的政策得以執行。因此，如前所述，美國國際開發總署駐華公署（AID Mission）於民國54年（1965年）7月關閉，僅留少數剩餘人員在臺北待至民國56年（1967年）。
中國
中華民國（臺灣）
概況 (General)
人口：1,375 萬。
匯率：40 新臺幣 (NT) 兌 1 美元。
兵役：陸軍 2 年；海軍與空軍 3 年。
預估國民生產毛額（民國57年/1968年）：39.6 億美元。
武裝部隊總數：555,000 人。
國防支出（民國57年/1968年）：120.8 億新臺幣（3.02 億美元）。
陸軍 (Army)
總兵力：400,000 人（包含駐金門 65,000 人及駐馬祖 15,000 人）。
2 個裝甲師 (armoured divisions)。
2 個裝甲騎兵團 (armoured cavalry regiments)。
15 個步兵師 (infantry divisions)。
6 個輕裝師 (light divisions)。
4 個特種部隊大隊 (Special Forces Groups)。
1 個空降旅 (parachute brigade)。
裝備：M-24、M-41 及 M-48 戰車。
1 個誠實約翰 (Honest John) 火箭營。
1 個鷹式 (Hawk) 地對空飛彈營。
1 個勝利女神-力士型 (Nike-Hercules) 地對空飛彈營。
海軍 (Navy)
總兵力：34,000 人。
5 艘驅逐艦 (destroyers)。
6 艘巡防艦 (frigates)。
18 艘海岸護航艦 (coastal escorts)。
11 艘快速運輸艦 (fast transports)。
9 艘艦隊掃雷艦 (fleet minesweepers)。
1 艘艦隊佈雷艦 (fleet minelayer)。
9 艘海岸掃雷艇 (coastal minesweepers)。
27 艘戰車登陸艦 (tank-landing ships)。
18 艘中型登陸艦 (medium landing ships)。
38 艘登陸艇 (landing craft)。
100 艘巡邏艇（小於 100 噸）。
海軍陸戰隊 (Marine Corps)
總兵力：36,000 人。
2 個陸戰師 (Marine divisions)。
空軍 (Air Force)
總兵力：85,000 人；375 架作戰飛機。
40 架 F-104G 攔截機。
200 架 F-86F 攔截機。
55 架 F-100 戰鬥轟炸機。
50 架 F-5A 戰術戰鬥機。
30 架 RF-104G 及 RF-101 偵察機。
100 架 C-46、C-47、C-119 及 C-123 運輸機。
T-6、T-33A、F-104F 及 PT-17 教練機。
註：臺灣駐有部分美國空軍編隊，配備運輸機、少量噴射戰鬥機及戰術飛彈。
地方防衛部隊與後備軍人 (Local defence forces and reserves)
國民兵與後備軍人總數約 1,000,000 人。
海峽與水道 (STRAITS AND CHANNELS)
(頁碼 238)
通道/海峽 (Passage) | 兩岸主權 (Sovereignty on either side) | 地理位置 (Geographical position) | 最小寬度(海浬) | 約略最小深度(噚) |
白令海峽 (Bering Strait) | 美國—蘇聯 (USA-USSR) | 阿拉斯加與西伯利亞之間 | 19 | 23 |
麥哲倫海峽 (Strait of Magellan) | 阿根廷—智利 | 火地群島與南美洲大陸之間 | 1 ¼ | 4 ¼ |
曼德海峽 (Bab el Mandeb) | 法國—葉門 <sup>[註1]</sup> | 紅海南部入口 | 19 ¼ | 3 |
荷姆茲海峽 (Strait of Hormuz) | 伊朗—馬斯喀特和阿曼 | 波斯灣入口 | 16 ½ | 9 |
蒂朗海峽 (Strait of Tiran) | 以色列—約旦 | 亞喀巴灣入口 | 0.7 | 140 |
麻六甲海峽 (Strait of Malacca) | 印尼—馬來西亞 | 馬來西亞與蘇門答臘之間 | 4 | 2 ½ |
新加坡海峽 (Singapore Strait) | 印尼—馬來西亞 | 馬來西亞與蘇門答臘之間 | 2 ½ | 10 |
望加錫海峽 (Makassar Strait) | 印尼 | 婆羅洲與蘇拉威西之間 (不計離岸島嶼) | 62 | 300 |
龍目海峽 (Selat Lombok) | 印尼 | 峇里島與龍目島之間 | 11 | 100 |
峇里海峽 (Selat Bali) | 印尼 | 峇里島與爪哇島之間 | 2 | 11 |
巽他海峽 (Selat Sunda) | 印尼 | 爪哇島與蘇門答臘之間 (不計桑吉昂島) | 12 | 3 |
韋塔海峽 (Selat Wetar) | 印尼—葡萄牙 [註2] | 韋塔島與帝汶島之間 | 12 | 1,700 |
海南（瓊州）海峽 (Hainan Strait) | 中共 (CPR) | 海南島與中國大陸之間 | 10 | 17 |
臺灣海峽 (Taiwan Strait) | 中共—中華民國 (CPR-CNR) | 臺灣與中國大陸之間 | 74 | 13 |
澎湖水道 (Pescadores Channel) | 中共—中華民國 (CPR-CNR) | 澎湖與中國大陸之間[註3] | 17 | 20 |
聖貝納迪諾海峽 (San Bernardino Passage) | 菲律賓 | 呂宋島與薩馬島之間 | 2 | 6 |
蘇里高海峽 (Surigao Strait) | 菲律賓 | 連接太平洋與雷伊泰灣及民答那峨海 | 3 ¾ | 10 |
朝鮮海峽 (Korea Strait) | 南韓—日本 | 連接東海與日本海 | 西水道: 22 東水道: 12 | 34 |
凱維海峽 (Kaiwi Channel) | 美國 | 分隔夏威夷群島之瓦胡島與摩洛凱島... | 22 | 10 |
庫克海峽 (Cook Strait) | 紐西蘭 | 北島與南島之間 | 12 | 5 ¼ |
譯註與分析：
法國—葉門：當時吉布地（Djibouti）尚未獨立，稱為「法屬索馬利蘭」（French Somaliland），故標示主權為法國。
印尼—葡萄牙：當時東帝汶仍為葡萄牙殖民地（葡屬帝汶），故韋塔海峽南側主權標示為葡萄牙。
澎湖水道 (Pescadores Channel)：此處原文記載地理位置為 "Between Pescadores and mainland of China"（澎湖與中國大陸之間），且寬度僅標示 17 海浬。這在地理描述上較為奇特，因為澎湖與大陸的距離遠大於此（約 70-90 海浬）。一般「澎湖水道」多指澎湖與台灣之間的黑水溝（Penghu Channel），但原文主權又標示為 "CPR-CNR"（中共—中華民國），暗示該水域為兩岸接觸/對峙點。
縮寫對照：
CPR (Chinese People's Republic)：指「中華人民共和國」，即中共。
CNR (Chinese National Republic)：指「中華民國」（ROC），美軍在此處使用此縮寫以與 CPR 對應。
單位：深度單位為「噚」（fathom），1 噚等於 6 英尺或約 1.83 公尺。
APPENDIX V STRENGTH OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
COMMUNIST CHINA (People's Republic of China)
NATIONAL POLITICAL STATUS:
Before the Cultural Revolution the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the world's largest Communist Party, established in essence a one-party dictatorship, which utilized the trappings of representative and constitutional government. Its members occupied key governmental and military positions on every organizational level. In 1949 the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), a united front of political parties and mass organizations, helped in the formal creation of the nation's government. This united front acted as a provisional legislative assembly until the National People's Congress was established in 1954. The NPC, composed of 2,800 members, many of whom were not CCP members, was elected indirectly from the country's various administrative regions, its armed forces, ethnic minorities and overseas Chinese. It supposedly represented all classes, nation alities, and sections of China, and was theoretically endowed with control over all legislative and executive powers of the state. In practice, however, it was the CCP-controlled central leadership of the NPC which ran the government. Since the formation of the NPC, the CPPC has been shunted aside and has no governmental functions. It met at the same time as the NPC, adding to the facade of democratic institutions, but was little more than a propaganda forum. The last NPC was held in 1964, and the leadership is now a year late in calling a new Congress. According to the Constitution, a fourth NPC should have been convened during 1968.
Communist Party Membership: Over 17 million in 1961; present membership unknown.
Leading Party Figures and Position:
MAO Tse-tung - Chairman, Chinese Communist Party Central Committee LIN Piao Vice Chairman, Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CHOU En-lai- Premier and Member of Politburo Standing Committee
Principal Publications:
People's Daily (Jen-min Jih-pao) - Daily newspaper Red Flag (Hung Ch'i) Party theoretical journal.
Area of Communist Activity
Until the onset of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, the CCP's thorough penetration of every type of activity in China permitted no significant organized opposition or challenge. The large Party
共產中國（中華人民共和國）
國家政治地位：
在文化大革命之前，身為世界最大共產黨的中國共產黨（CCP），本質上建立了一黨專政，但利用了代議制與憲政政府的外衣。其黨員佔據了各級組織的政府與軍事關鍵職位。
民國38年（1949年），由各政黨與群眾組織組成的統一戰線——中國人民政治協商會議（CPPCC，簡稱政協），協助正式建立了該國政府。此統一戰線充當臨時立法機構，直到民國43年（1954年）成立全國人民代表大會（NPC，簡稱人大）為止。全國人大由 2,800 名代表組成（其中許多非中共黨員），係由該國各行政區、武裝部隊、少數民族及華僑間接選舉產生。它理應代表中國所有階級、民族與部門，且理論上被賦予掌控國家所有立法與行政權力。然而實際上，是由中共控制的人大中央領導層在運作政府。
自人大成立以來，政協已被邊緣化，不再具備政府職能。它與人大同時開會，增添了民主制度的門面，但僅僅是一個宣傳論壇。上一次人大於民國53年（1964年）舉行，領導層召開新一屆大會的時間現已延遲一年。根據憲法，第四屆全國人大本應於民國57年（1968年）召開。
共產黨員人數： 民國50年（1961年）超過 1,700 萬人；目前人數不詳。
主要黨務人物與職位：
毛澤東（MAO Tse-tung） — 中國共產黨中央委員會主席
林彪（LIN Piao） — 中國共產黨中央委員會副主席
周恩來（CHOU En-lai） — 總理兼政治局常務委員會委員
主要出版品：
《人民日報》（Jen-min Jih-pao） — 日報
《紅旗》（Hung Ch'i） — 黨理論刊物
共產黨活動範圍 直到民國55年（1966年）文化大革命爆發前，中共對中國各類活動的徹底滲透，使得任何重大的組織性反對或挑戰皆無法存在。龐大的黨員人數在文化大革命前幾年似乎穩定增加（或許 90% 的黨員是在民國38年政權建立後才加入的），這使得對估計達 7.5 億的人口進行適當的控制與監視成為可能。
membership, which apparently had increased steadily in the years before the Cultural Revolution (perhaps 90% of all party members joined the Party after the regime's establishment in 1949), allowed for adequate control and surveillance of a population that numbers an estimated 750 million.
Both the Party and the public security apparatus were severely weakened during the Cultural Revolution. Pending their complete rebuilding, political control and surveillance functions are the responsibility of local "revolutionary committees" and worker's provost corps operating under military supervision.
Before the Cultural Revolution the system of highly centralized Party authority had created serious problems for the Maoist leadership, which became greatly troubled that its own spirit of revolutionary dedi cation, doctrinaire confidence, and ideological fervor was not matched by party cadres, let alone the general population. A major purpose of the Cultural Revolution was to remedy this situation but the campaign does not appear to have had notable success in this area.
The leadership has consistently acknowledged a special relationship with the 2.5 million-strong People's Liberation Army (PLA), recognizing that it is a vital element in maintaining the regime. Party membership in the PLA was close to one million in the early 1960's, and dis-te charged veterans were an important source for replenishing civilian cadre ranks.
A dual effort has been made to modernize the PLA and to maintain its political reliability and its devotion to Mao's thought as the primary element in military readiness. Military ranks were abolished in May 1965 in a move apparently intended to curb "professionalist" (as opposed to political) tendencies. During the course of the Cultural Revolution, the Army has been charged variously with supporting the Red Guards, putting down disorders arising from factional disputes, and in many cases providing the administrative framework in areas where the normal Party and government apparatus has been damaged byns purges. At the same time, the PLA itself came under attack, and some high-ranking officers were purged; despite these difficulties, the Army has remained intact and basically loyal to the regime.
Although the Cultural Revolution has not yet been officially terminated, Communist China has entered a period of political rebuilding. Attention during 1969 has been directed chiefly toward rebuilding of the shattered Party structure. A long overdue national Party Congress, the ninth, convened early in the year chose a new top-level Party hierarchy and adopted a new Constitution.
黨和公安體系（public security apparatus）在文化大革命期間都受到了嚴重削弱。在其完全重建之前，政治控制與監視職能由在軍事監管下運作的地方「革命委員會」（revolutionary committees）及「工人糾察隊」（worker's provost corps）負責。
在文化大革命之前，高度集權的黨權體系給毛派領導層帶來了嚴重問題，他們對於黨幹部——更不用說一般民眾——未能匹配其自身的革命奉獻精神、教條自信及意識形態狂熱，感到極度困擾。文化大革命的主要目的在於糾正這種情況，但該運動在此領域似乎未取得顯著成功。
領導層一貫承認與擁有 250 萬兵力的「人民解放軍」（PLA）之間存在特殊關係，並體認到它是維持政權的重要因素。民國50年代（1960年代）初期，解放軍中的黨員人數接近一百萬，而退伍軍人是補充文職幹部隊伍的重要來源。
當局採取了雙重努力來推動解放軍現代化，並維持其政治可靠性以及對毛澤東思想的效忠，視其為軍事整備的首要因素。民國54年（1965年）5月廢除了軍銜制度，此舉顯然意在遏制「軍事專業主義」（professionalist，相對於政治掛帥）的傾向。在文化大革命期間，軍隊被賦予了各種任務，包括支持「紅衛兵」、平息因派系鬥爭（factional disputes）引發的動亂，以及在許多黨政機構因整肅而受損的地區，提供行政架構。與此同時，解放軍本身也受到攻擊，部分高階軍官遭到整肅；儘管面臨這些困難，軍隊仍保持完整，並基本上對政權保持效忠。
雖然文化大革命尚未正式結束，但共產中國已進入政治重建時期。民國58年（1969年）的關注焦點主要集中於重建支離破碎的黨組織結構。延宕已久的第九次全國代表大會（中共九大）於年初召開，選出了新的高層黨權力結構並通過了新黨章。
In contrast to the 1956 Party Constitution, the constitution adopted by the Ninth Congress was a more ideological, exhortative document which provided only a bare outline of how the Party will be run. The new, shorter document did not so much add specific new powers to those already possessed by the center as to omit many old provisions, some of which described the role of Party organs at lower levels. It specifi cally required that the PLA accept Party leadership, a point left out of a new draft circulated in China during the fall of 1968. The change appeared intended to underline the point that Communist China is a Party-led Communist state and not a military-bureaucratic dictator ship as the Soviets had charged.
The Ninth Party Congress produced a new Politburo and Central Committee which clearly reflected the increased power of the military in mainland China. Nearly 40% of the new Central Committee are military men, as are 44% of the Politburo. However, the new Politburo Standing Committee included the same top five who had been running China during the Cultural Revolution: Mao, Minister of Defense Lin Piao, Premier Chou En-lai, ideologist Chen Po-ta, and security chief K'ang Sheng. Beneath them, the composition of the remaining top 20 Party leaders was somewhat altered. Economic planners Chen Yun and Li Fu-chun and Foreign Minister Chen Yi were dropped, although all showed up for the Congress and apparently retain high positions. Elevated were leaders with provincial power bases such as Hsu Shih-yu and Ch'en Hsi-lien (who head both Military Regions and Provincial Revolutionary Commit tees). The net effect of this shuffle was that the new Politburoh reflected more accurately the actual power situation in China.
Following the Party Congress, the leadership shifted its attention to the rebuilding of Party committees at the province level and below. During the three years of the Cultural Revolution these committees had been decimated and their functions largely taken over by local governing bodies known as "revolutionary committees," which were comprised of party members who survived the power struggle, members of mass organizations which emerged during the course of the struggle, and representatives of the military. Although the regime has stated its intention that the Party should once again exercise control over all other organs, control over local functions still remains predomi nantly in the hands of the largely military-dominated "revolutionary committees."
The political situation following the closing of the Ninth Party Congress in April indicated that other than confirming a new hierarchy, the Congress had resolved few problems. Economic plans still appeared indefinite; criminal activity and labor indiscipline continued to cause trouble; and factional fighting flared up in more than a dozen provinces during the summer of 1969, forcing Peking to crack down hard on dissidence. Although during the latter half of 1969 Peking media continued to stress Party building, and provincial radio broadcasts
與民國45年（1956年）的黨章相比，九大通過的黨章是一份更具意識形態、口號式的文件，僅提供了黨將如何運作的粗略大綱。這份較簡短的新文件，與其說是賦予中央更多新權力（中央已擁有這些權力），不如說是刪除了許多舊條款，其中部分條款原本描述了下級黨組織的角色。它特別要求人民解放軍（PLA）接受黨的領導，這一點在民國57年（1968年）秋季於中國境內流傳的新草案中被遺漏了。此一變更似乎意在強調，共產中國是一個由黨領導的共產國家，而非蘇聯所指控的軍事官僚獨裁政權。
中共九大產生了新的政治局（Politburo）與中央委員會（Central Committee），清楚反映了軍方在中國大陸權力的增長。新任中央委員中近 40% 為軍人，政治局委員中亦有 44% 為軍人。然而，新的政治局常務委員會仍由在文化大革命期間掌權的五位巨頭組成：毛澤東、國防部長林彪、總理周恩來、理論家陳伯達，以及安全首腦康生。在他們之下，其餘前 20 名黨領導人的組成有所變動。經濟計畫官員陳雲、李富春及外交部長陳毅皆被剔除，儘管他們均出席了大會且顯然仍保留高位。獲晉升者為擁有省級權力基礎的領導人，如許世友與陳錫聯（兩人皆身兼軍區與省級革命委員會首長）。此次改組的淨效應是，新政治局更準確地反映了中國內部的實際權力狀況。
黨代表大會結束後，領導層將注意力轉向重建省級及以下的黨委員會。在文化大革命的三年期間，這些委員會遭到重創，其職能主要由稱為「革命委員會」（revolutionary committees）的地方治理機構接管，該委員會由在權力鬥爭中倖存的黨員、鬥爭過程中浮現的群眾組織成員，以及軍方代表所組成。儘管該政權已表明意圖，要讓黨再次行使對所有其他機關的控制權，但地方職能的控制權仍主要掌握在以軍方為主導的「革命委員會」手中。
民國58年（1969年）4月九大閉幕後的政治局勢顯示，除了確認新的權力階層外，大會幾乎未解決任何問題。經濟計畫似乎仍不明確；犯罪活動與勞工紀律渙散持續造成困擾；民國58年夏季，十多個省份爆發派系武鬥，迫使北京（北平）當局嚴厲鎮壓異議份子。雖然在民國58年下半年，北京媒體持續強調黨的建設，且省級廣播宣佈在地方層級成立許多新的黨委員會，但很明顯，鑑於地方政治缺乏團結以及文化大革命遺留的紀律渙散，黨的政治重建將進展緩慢。
announced the formation of a number of new Party committees at local levels, it was clear that given the lack of local political unity and the indiscipline that have been the legacy of the Cultural Revolution, the political rebuilding of the Party would move slowly.
A high degree of tension marked Sino-Soviet relations throughout 1969. Several border incidents were publicized by both sides, including two sharp engagements along the Ussuri River where China's northeastern frontier touches the Soviet Union. Foreign press reports indicated that the Soviets were engaged in a large-scale military buildup along the Sino-Soviet frontier. Rumors circulated that Moscow was consider ing some form of military action against the Chinese Communists and Peking responded by initiating a "war preparations" campaign which stressed internal vigilance against the Soviet threat.
A new trend in Sino-Soviet relations began on September 11 when Soviet Premier Kosygin met briefly with Chou En-lai in Peking. The Chou Kosygin meeting eventually led to border talks which began in Peking on October 20. Press reports suggested that the first two months of negotiations have brought little progress. As the year ended, the prospect was for protracted and difficult negotiations.
民國58年（1969年）全年，中蘇關係處於高度緊張狀態。雙方皆公開報導了數起邊界事件，包括在中國東北邊境與蘇聯接壤的烏蘇里江（Ussuri River）沿岸發生的兩次激烈交火（註：即珍寶島事件）。外國媒體報導指出，蘇聯正在中蘇邊境進行大規模的軍事集結。
有傳聞稱莫斯科正考慮對中共採取某種形式的軍事行動，而北京（北平）方面的回應是發起「備戰」（war preparations）運動，強調對蘇聯威脅的內部警惕。
中蘇關係的新趨勢始於 9 月 11 日，當時蘇聯總理柯西金（Kosygin）在北京（北平）與周恩來進行了簡短會晤。周柯會晤最終促成了於 10 月 20 日在北京開始的邊界談判。媒體報導顯示，前兩個月的談判進展甚微。隨著該年結束，前景預示著談判將是曠日廢時且艱難的。
APPENDIX W VOTES ON COMMUNIST CHINA IN THE U.N.
[From: Issues in United States Foreign Policy. No.4 Communist China, ed. by John Kimball. Washington, Department of State, December 1969. (Publ.8499).]
附錄 W
聯合國對共產中國之表決
[資料來源：《美國外交政策議題》（Issues in United States Foreign Policy）。第 4 期：共產中國，John Kimball 編輯。華盛頓，國務院，民國58年（1969年）12月。（出版品編號 8499）]
聯合國投票統計表
這張表格詳細列出了從民國39年（1950年）至民國58年（1969年）間，聯合國針對「共產中國代表權問題」的投票歷程。這反映了當時中華民國政府在聯合國席位保衛戰中的艱辛過程。
聯合國關於共產中國之表決
年份 (西元/民國) | 會員國總數 | 贊成 (For) | 反對 (Against) | 棄權 (Abstentions) | 缺席 (Absent) |
1950 (民國39年) | 59 | 16 | 33 | 10 | 0 |
1951 (民國40年) | 60 | 11 | 37 | 4 | 未點名表決 (no roll call) |
1952 (民國41年) | 60 | 7 | 42 | 11 | 0 |
1953 (民國42年) | 60 | 10 | 44 | 2 | 4 |
1954 (民國43年) | 60 | 11 | 43 | 6 | 0 |
1955 (民國44年) | 60 | 12 | 42 | 6 | 0 |
1956 (民國45年) | 79 | 24 | 47 | 8 | 0 |
1957 (民國46年) | 82 | 27 | 48 | 6 | 1 |
1958 (民國47年) | 81 | 28 | 44 | 9 | 0 |
1959 (民國48年) | 82 | 29 | 44 | 9 | 0 |
1960 (民國49年) | 98 | 34 | 42 | 22 | 0 |
1961 (民國50年) | 104 | 36 | 48 | 20 | 0 |
1962 (民國51年) | 110 | 42 | 56 | 12 | 0 |
1963 (民國52年) | 111 | 41 | 57 | 12 | 1 |
1964 (民國53年) | 未進行表決 | - | - | - | - |
1965 (民國54年) | 117 | 47 | 47 | 20 | 3 |
1966 (民國55年) | 121 | 46 | 57 | 17 | 1 |
1967 (民國56年) | 122 | 45 | 58 | 17 | 2 |
1968 (民國57年) | 126 | 44 | 58 | 23 | 1 |
1969 (民國58年) | 126 | 48 | 56 | 21 | 1 |
譯註：
贊成 (For)：指投票支持共產中國入會（即支持驅逐中華民國政府）。
反對 (Against)：指投票反對共產中國入會（即支持中華民國政府保留席位）。
1965年 (民國54年)：出現了 47 票對 47 票的平手局面，這是局勢的一大轉折點。
1969年 (民國58年)：贊成票雖回升至 48 票，但反對票仍維持 56 票，中華民國政府暫時守住了席位（但兩年後即發生民國60年(1971)退出聯合國事件）。
附錄 X
地圖
共產中國燃料與動力（附文字說明） (Communist China Fuels and Power (with text))
共產中國軍區 (Communist China Military Regions)
共產中國天然植被（附文字說明） (Communist China Natural Vegetation (with text))
共產中國省級行政區劃 (Communist China Province-Level Administrative Divisions)
共產中國副省級行政區劃 (Communist China Subprovince-Level Administrative Divisions)
中蒙邊界，民國51年（1962年）12月 (Sino-Mongolian Border, December 1962)
東南亞 (Southeastern Asia)
南亞 (Southern Asia)
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